“Peace and Justice '72” reads a
cartoon sign, on the cover of Ms. Magazine, the issue that contained Steinem's
essay “Women Voters Can't Be Trusted” appeared in the July 1972 Ms. magazine; the image of a concerned
Wonder Woman rescuing a city block from the madness of war with her golden
lasso appears on the magazine’s cover. Steinem’s enumeration of assumptions men
make about trends in women as a voting bloc reflects the dramatic comic book
image, published months before the Democratic National Convention would endorse
both George McGovern as a candidate for President as well as an Equal Rights
Amendment, as activists including Steinem, Germaine Greer, Shirley MacLaine and
others supported Feminist candidate Shirley Chisholm. Tonight, forty years
after the publication of Steinem’s essay, First Lade Michelle Obama will appear
and speak onstage, in support of her husband; over the past year, Michelle
Bachmann ran an unsuccessful campaign seeking the GOP nomination for President;
four years ago, former Alaskan governor Sarah Palin was selected as John
McCain's Vice President; last week, former Secretary of State Condoleeza Rice
appeared before an invigorated crowd of Republicans, while this week’s Convention
will be presided over by Debbie Wasserman-Shultz: during this year’s election, evidence
of the increased political participation of women identifies some of the
progress made since Ms. magazine’s
publication of its ‘Wonder Woman for President’ cover, and Steinem’s
description of assumptions.
During this down-and-dirty election season: may a specific
group of people still adhere to a candidate’s views because “[...] they fit our
popular image as nonpolitical, limited people; an image we have internalized so
well that we may accept it as true of women as a group, even though we have
disproved it in our individual lives”(Steinem, 1972)? To what extent do we—across
demographics of gender and age, income and race—consider ourselves a “nonpolitical,
limited people,” willing to adopt one party’s set of political, social,
economic, and ethical beliefs?
And how might we gather such critical information? If
assumptions are to be made about any specific political demographic, evaluation
of the mass media and news networks’ portrayal of that group may be useful. Do
women vote differently than their husbands? I’d love to ask Roger Ailes,
longtime political strategist and creator of the ‘fair and balanced’ news
network: Ailes' ability to present political viewpoints as entertainment began
during the Nixon administration; beyond helping devise a plan to televise the
lighting of the White House Christmas tree, some allege the full conception of
FoxNews as a machine of propaganda and media control took place in the Oval
Office during the early 1970s. Ailes is important to a modern characterization
of women’s role in politics, as his network consistently beats all competitors
in monthly ratings. Ailes also claims Sarah Palin as his own creation: after the
former Governor’s unsuccessful Presidential campaign alongside John McCain, Ailes’
network had a small studio installed in Palin's Wasilla, Alaska home. Her
tenure with the network did not last as long as some had hoped; in a recent
speech, Ailes admitted that he “hired Sarah Palin because she was hot and got
ratings” (Ailes, as cited by Moore, 2011).
Steinem’s assessment of women as a voting bloc came at a
time when chauvinism was probably more acceptable, but also when the mass media
was in its infancy, and populations may have expected less interpretation of
events from their newscasters. One quote from Steinem’s essay rings with the
charged and staunch rhetoric of last week in Tampa: “Culturally, women tend to
think like conservers of life. Sometimes that makes us conservative in the
conventional sense, and sometimes it pushes us to the left, making us very
radical indeed” (Steinem, 1972). What modern political party seeks to be “conservers
of life,” and to what extent may this phrase be taken as an indentification of
viewpoint on Roe V. Wade? Has our
political language—the wearing out of terms and phrases, including conservative—weakened our abilities of
political representation?
Actions may forever speak more loudly than words; according
to a number of accounts, the Republican National Committee surprised those
protesting their convention by providing boxed lunches to all those on the
sidewalk. Actions within realms of
creativity appear mutually exclusive to those of media and politics; while
Ailes’ criticism of his network news competition extends into aesthetic set
design, the artistry involved in the cover of Ms. magazine may today be relegated to museums, over publications
that reflect national concerns and culture (a recent comparison of Time magazine European and American
editions reflects poorly on our national obsession with ourselves). But magazines,
news networks, and political parties are inclusive organizations; the potential
for individuals to express opinions and views, as artists, may still exist.
While Faith Ringgold’s 1988 story quilt “Tar Beach” extends an
“angry, critical reappraisal” (Spector, 2012) of urban life and the possibility
of experience through a vibrant, inviting and historic form, her 2000 project “Racial
Questions and Answers” may be one of the Internet’s first examples of
participatory asynchronous representation through art. While her history of
political activism fed her experience in quilting (the most famous result of
which hangs today in the Guggenheim), her website devoted to the collection of
demographic data and speculation on racial identity reads like the registration
page of an early social networking hub, as Ringgold’s collection of identifying
data is followed by prompts of individual reflection, on an assumed racial identity:
“Imagine Waking up One Morning Black in America!” reads part two, of her “Questionnaire
A for White People.” A separate questionnaire, for “all people of color”
proposes one wake up “One Morning White in America!” (Ringgold, 2000). Ringgold’s latest creative efforts include a
host of childrens’ books, for which she has received many accolades. How might
Ringgold assess Steinem’s 1972 charge, that a specific population may not be
trusted, relied upon, to support a politician’s set of values and social
policies? Perhaps we may all strive to be like the child in her “Tar Beach”
quilt, mid-flight and hovering above the stoic symbols of the most oppressive
groups we know, together forging a voting bloc that is unfixed and critical,
and cannot be trusted. Roger Ailes’ characterization, however, of the voting
public’s likely behavior is probably honed in on populations within a few ‘swing
states,’ while maintaining a widespread support for individuals’ participation
as a “nonpolitical, limited people.”
Hale, C. (2012). “Masterpiece Activity: Faith Ringgold’s Tar Beach.” Retrieved from http://www.scholastic.com/librarians/programs/tarbeach.htm
Gawker.com. (2012). “Roger Ailes' Secret Nixon-Era Blueprint
for FoxNews.” Retrieved from http://gawker.com/5814150/roger-ailes-secret-nixon+era-blueprint-for-fox-news
Moore, R. (October 5 2011). “Roger Ailes: I Hired Sarah
Palin Because She Was Hot and Got Ratings.”
Retrieved from http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2011/10/05/roger-ailes-sarah-palin-fox-news_n_995691.html
Spector, N. (2012). “Guggenheim Collection Online.”
Retrieved from http://www.guggenheim.org/new-york/collections/collection-online/show-full/piece/?search=Tar%20Beach%20%28Part%20I%20from%20the%20Woman%20on%20a%20Bridge%20series%29&page=&f=Title&object=88.3620
Steinem, G. (1972). “Women Voters Can’t Be Trusted.” Ms.
[magazine]. Retrieved from http://www.msmagazine.com/spring2002/steinem.asp
(by Christopher Smith)
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